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Foreigners Support Japan

Official foreign observers and officials of various foreign governments who participated in various conferences here in seeding to avoid the, outbreak of local hostilities, agree that the Japanese exhibited the utmost restraint under provocation, even for several days keeping all of the Japanese landed force off the streets and strictly within their own barracks, although the move somewhat endangered Japanese lives and properties.
"Opinions may differ regarding the responsibility for the opening of hostilities in the vicinity of Peiping early In July" said one foreign official who was a participant in the conferences held here before Aug. 13, "but concerning the Shanghai hostilities the records will justify only one decision. The Japanese did not want a repetition of the fighting here and exhibited forbearance and patience and did everything possible to avoid aggravating the situation. But they were literally pushed into the clash by the Chinese, who seemed intent on involving the foreign area and foreign interests in this clash."




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¡Éthe Sino-German Connection¡É
by Hsi-Huey Liang, 1977 Van Gorcum & Comp. B.V.
Distributed in the USA by Humanities Press
ISBN 90 232 1554 0

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½Ðŵ¡§¡Éthe Sino-German Connection¡É
by Hsi-Huey Liang, 1977 Van Gorcum & Comp. B.V.
Distributed in the USA by Humanities Press
ISBN 90 232 1554 0


p.104
A decisive moment in the long military confrontation of China and Japan was imminent, and Falkenhausen, this so circumspect man, decided on defiance as China¡Çs only course in the face of approaching defeat.
In April, 1936, he was in effect advising the Chinese to make war on Japan.

Until now Japan¡Çs tactics, or rather the tactics of the Japanese Kwantung Army, and of its organs Doihara, Isogai etc., was marked by avoidance of risks. All their demands on China were enforced by the mere threat of military sanctions. But now that the Chinese will of resistance has grown, a new situation has arisen. China¡Çs absolute will of resistance need not take the form of a sudden break [with Japan], which is equivalent to war. The absolute will of resistance can at first be applied to places where any further concession is quite unjustifiable. [But] it is [also] clear that this situation of no return has already been reached and even surpassed almost everywhere. Japan is beginning to see that she cannot proceed further without risks to herself. China must use each day that she has to improve her defensive forces.

If China was to make war on Japan, she was better off with the initiative on her side. In April, 1936, Falkenhausen counseled Chiang to make preparation for guerilla warfare in territories held by the enemy. More, he urged the Chinese to step up intelligence and sabotage work beyond the territory of China proper, in Manchuria and the Japanese homeland. Six months later, in October, 1936, Falkenhausen was recommending contingency plans for surprise attacks against the Japanese garrisons in the foreign concessions in Hankow and Shanghai. He followed this up, next month, with the proposal to counter-attack the Japanese in North China and to wrest Hopei from their control by means of large-scale infantry attacks with air support. Impresses by the progress of the Chinese Air Force, Falkenhausen in Novenber, 1936, asked for 108 war planes to restore Chinese control over the desert regions of Shansi and Ninghsia, and initiated plans for further Chinese air raids on Dairen, Taku, Shanhaikwan and the West coast of Korea.
To be sure, Falkenhausen¡Çs aggressiveness was spurred by the collapse of South China¡Çs resistance to Nanking as much as by the overwhelming threat of Japan.

p.126-127
There was unequivocal support for china by another important group of Germans in China, the Deutsche Beraterschaft. The German Military Mission lost no time after Lukuochiao to warn the Berlin Government against the risk of backing the wrong horse. On July 21, 1937, the German Embassy in Nanking conveyed this urgent message from Falkenhausen to Blomberg:

Chiang is determined to fight. This is not a local war but total war. China¡Çs chances for victory are not bad because the Japanese – mindful of the threat of Russian intervention – cannot commit all their forces against the Chinese.

The Chinese infantry is good. The Chinese Air Force is about equal to the Japanese. A Japanese victory is far from certain. The morale of the Chinese Army is high. They will put up a bitter fight.
On July 27, 1937, the German A.A. had informed its envoy in Tokyo that there was no question at that moment of withdrawing the military advisers from China because at this juncture of affairs such a move would amount to taking sides in the conflict against China. Besides, it would cause the Chinese to invite Soviet military advisers to come in their place. However, the communication went on, the A.A. had assured the Japanese ambassador in Berlin, Mushakoji, that no German advisers would participate in the fighting.
In reality, the Beraterchaft had no intention of abstaining from the war. Trautmann officially notified the German officers that they were not to fight for the Chinese. ¡ÈBut we all agreed,¡É Falkenhausen later wrote, ¡Èthat as private citizens in Chinese employment there could be no question of our leaving our Chinese friends to their fate. Therefore I assigned the German advisers wherever they were needed and that was often in the front lines.¡É Fankenhausen had long anticipated the Japanese invasion and positioned the Chinese armies in defense positions well in advance of the enemy¡Çs attack. In the spring of 1937, he had once more urged the Chinese to consider starting the war on her side. On March 9, he outlined a plan for the sudden occupation of Tangku, Tiensin, and Peking by Chinese troops with air cover:

Let it be clear that such an operation inevitably means war. It can only be carried out if the leaders of China have truly decided to fight. But it is just as clear that by means of this determined initiative all Hopei up to the Great Wall could be taken, or at the very least the railway line Tangku–Tiensin –Peking-Kalgan with all its strong points.


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A. A. Auswartiges Amt (German Foreign Ministry)
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18ÆüS.H.ÍÍ¡¡5,000
19ÆüN.M.ÍÍ¡¡30,000
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26ÆüN.T.ÍÍ¡¡20,000
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1ÆüF.S.ÍÍ 10,000
1ÆüS.T.ÍÍ 3,000
2ÆüU.M.ÍÍ 20,000
4ÆüT.Y.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüT.H.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüS.S.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüI.Y.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüN.T.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüT.T.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüT.T.ÍÍ 50,000
4ÆüS.M.ÍÍ 5,000
4ÆüK.S.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüY.K.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüK.J.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüS.M.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüM.F.ÍÍ 5,000
4ÆüO.K.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüK.Y.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüF.T.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüF.I.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüM.Y.ÍÍ 10,000
4ÆüS.Y.ÍÍ 10,000
5ÆüY.Y.ÍÍ 5,000
5ÆüO.Y.ÍÍ 10,000
5ÆüT.K.ÍÍ 5,000
5ÆüY.S.ÍÍ 10,000
5ÆüN.H.ÍÍ 5,000
5ÆüY.S.ÍÍ 10,000
5ÆüS.D.ÍÍ 5,000
6ÆüO.Y.ÍÍ 5,000
6ÆüS.H.ÍÍ 10,000
6ÆüH.S.ÍÍ 10,000
6ÆüK.Y.ÍÍ 100,000
7ÆüM.T.ÍÍ 10,000
7ÆüO.T.ÍÍ 10,000
7ÆüK.M.ÍÍ 10,000
7ÆüO.S.ÍÍ 2,000
8ÆüS.H.ÍÍ 10,000
8ÆüA.H.ÍÍ 5,000
8ÆüM.A.ÍÍ 5,000
8ÆüU.Y.ÍÍ 2,000
8ÆüU.S.ÍÍ 10,000
8ÆüK.K.ÍÍ 10,000
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12ÆüU.S.ÍÍ 10,000
12ÆüN.K.ÍÍ 10,000
12ÆüK.N.ÍÍ 10,000
13ÆüI.S.ÍÍ 10,000
14ÆüO.H.ÍÍ 10,000
15ÆüI.T.ÍÍ 10,000
15ÆüT.H.ÍÍ 10,000
15ÆüO.E.ÍÍ 5,000
15ÆüW.S.ÍÍ 5,000
15ÆüT.T.ÍÍ 20,000
15ÆüY.T.ÍÍ 20,000
15ÆüS.R.ÍÍ 5,000
16ÆüK.M.ÍÍ 10,000
18ÆüT.S.ÍÍ 10,000
18ÆüS.T.ÍÍ 5,000
19ÆüK.Y.ÍÍ 50,000
19ÆüK.K.ÍÍ 10,000
20ÆüS.M.ÍÍ 30,000
20ÆüM.T.ÍÍ 20,000
22ÆüN.M.ÍÍ 10,000
22ÆüO.Y.ÍÍ 100,000
25ÆüK.K.ÍÍ 10,000
25ÆüU.T.ÍÍ 10,000
25ÆüK.T.ÍÍ 3,000
26ÆüM¿À¼Ò 30,000
26ÆüS.K.ÍÍ 50,000
27ÆüT.N.ÍÍ 20,000
27ÆüY.H.ÍÍ 3,000
27ÆüM.J.ÍÍ 3,000
27ÆüN.S.ÍÍ 3,000
28ÆüN.T.ÍÍ 10,000
28ÆüK.T.ÍÍ 5,000
28ÆüA.Y.ÍÍ5,000
29ÆüN.T.ÍÍ 10,000
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